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As the social movement developed and contexts changed, the strategies, identities, and definition of problems have also changed ( Gusfield, 1993, 1996).Įarly organizing in what can be termed the homophile era (1958–1968) began with organizations such as the Mattachine Society and the Daughters of Bilitis pursuing strategies intended to secure civil liberties for lesbian women and gay men, effectively to remove state policies that criminalized homosexuality ( Armstrong, 2002 D’Emilio, 1983). This stigma led to individuals not embracing a public gay identity until about 1958, where organizations embraced the term “homophile” as opposed to “homosexual” to de-center sex, which was often viewed in the public eye as associated with sexual deviancy ( Armstrong, 2002 Bernstein, 2002 D’Emilio, 1983 Schneider and Ingram, 1993). Among SGD populations, early organizing centered on gay men and lesbian women who had to construct an identity in the context of high degrees of social and structural stigma ( Bernstein, 2002 D’Emilio 1983). Prior to the emergence of a social movement, however, are the contextual and structural factors that define choices, how individuals define problems, and how they see themselves in relation to those problems ( Gusfield, 1993, 1996). This means that sustained advocacy for policy change is necessary, and social movement organizing and policy advocacy groups need to have the infrastructure to maintain pressure. The complexity also means the process is susceptible to policy gridlock ( Baumgartner and Jones, 1993). political and legal systems offer numerous access points to effect policy change.
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Given the multiple levels of government-federal, state, and local-and the division of functions associated with the separation of powers, the U.S.
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Public policies affecting SGD populations change when advocates articulate what and why changes are needed and how to implement them ( Taylor, Lewis, and Haider-Markel, 2018). Thus, advocacy organizations providing services and seeking changes in public policy, which are often sponsored by government programs, are central to the policy process. Policies seldom change without outside social forces organizing to effect change. The public policy process includes defining social problems that may require policy solutions, framing public policies for the general public and policy makers, developing strategies to effect policy adoption, effectively implementing public policies, and developing accountability and evaluation mechanisms. PUBLIC POLICY, SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, AND PUBLIC OPINION Collectively, this research falls under the umbrella of what researchers call structural stigma, which is defined as “societal-level conditions, cultural norms, and institutional policies that constrain the opportunities, resources, and well-being of the stigmatized” ( Hatzenbuehler and Link, 2014, p. It then turns to the emerging literature on how structural factors-law, public policy, and public attitudes-influence the well-being of SGD populations, including economic outcomes, experiences of victimization and violence, and mental and physical health. This chapter first provides an overview of three aspects of public life that affect social and gender diverse (SGD) populations: public policy, social movements, and changing public opinion.